In the previous Glos, I wrote about the barbaric obliteration of a Polish village and massacre of its all inhabitants (approximately 300 people) by a Soviet-mainly Jewish, partisans in April of 1944. It was a reprisal for their attempt at organizing the village self-defense against repeated forays into village. It was also to serve as a memento to other villages not to dare to oppose the forays. I quoted fragments from books published in USA, where their Jewish authors openly boasted participation in this slaughter. Hence, I challenged Mr. Leon Kieres, the President of the Institute of the National Remembrance, why under the Institute mandate, he did not open the case of the murder of Poles from the Koniuchy village, even though the culprits were known and some of them even dared to brag.

Today, on February 23, barely few days after my article was published, I am gratified to see that the Rzeczpospolita daily, has informed that the Institute of National Remembrance (Commission for the Prosecution of Crimes against the Polish Nation) launched an investigation of the murder of Poles from the Koniuchy village. It turned out that the Canadian Polish Congress sent a letter concerning this case last February. However, it is surprising that only Rzeczpospolita reported this fact whereas, Gazeta Wyborcza and Zycie, both, wider circulation dailies, not to mention the television, did not take any notice. It is also astonishing that considering the Jewish ethnic background of the culprits, the information only mentioned the Soviet partisans. Though until now, no Soviet partisan of other than Jewish ethnicity claimed his participation in the slaughter.

Rozenblat's exposure of the Jewish communists' transgressions

The Gross's falsehoods exonerating the Jewish transgressions in Kresy are refuted by Evgenij Rozenblat, an ethnic Jew, scientist from Brest Litovski, Belorussia. He is not only an expert in Jewish history of Kresy but also he comes from the history field, whereas the Gross's background is sociology.

In the paper "Jews in the system of inter-ethnic relations in the West regions of Belorussia, 1939-1941"[2], he wrote: 'In the first weeks of war, the Jews using the situation of a power vacuum created by the fleeing representatives of the Polish administration, yet before the entry of Red Army, with or without assent of the local populace, in practically all towns and cities of Western Belorussia where they were the majority of inhabitants, erupted in a frenzy of activities. Workers guards, militias, all sorts of soviet committees, these and more were popping up quickly, all being a part of the oppression apparatus in support of the oncoming Soviet regime. Organizations they set up were busied with weapons gathering, arresting members of the Polish army and administration, and so on. In the town of Pinsk, these vigilantes arrested the Minister of Justice, Mr. Michalowski, pointed out by a member of KPZB[3], Barbara Giller'

According to "Biographic Dictionary of Polish Workers' Activists"[4], after the war, Barbara Giller (Basza, Lei) was appointed to a chair in the Central School of the Ministry of Public Security (Internal Security) in Lodz. Informing on Minister Michalkowski ended tragically for him. Sentenced to a soviet prison he died in 1941, quite likely killed among so many others during the prison evacuations just before the German onslaught.

Rozenblat stressed also participation of bolshevik Jews in armed assaults on the Polish Army in September of 1939. As per his research on an anti-Polish attack in town of Skidel so widely publicized by the Soviet historiography, the Jews constituted the majority of the assailants. While describing the role of the pro-Soviet Jewish volunteers that patrolled towns, Rozenblat wrote: 'Armed formations [tr.of Jews] were not only to protect the Jewish population in potential ethnic conflicts but they constituted often a materialized threat specific to the Polish part of population. In some cases, they instigated actions against the representatives of the Polish government. The Workers' Guards of the town of Pinsk led by former member of KPZB, Jew-Benjamin Dodiuk, along with M. Zukowski-Zilberg, G. Shklarnik, Sh. Shklarnik, Vladimir Antonovich, Abram Gorbat, Judel Kot and other Jews, shot dead on the spot the Polish army officers and policemen caught in arms. In other cases, a motive for killing was simple greed.

Jews in towns, Belorussians out in the country, both in their respective home element rivaled in perpetrating evils against Poles.'

Jewish Activists Domination of Local Administration

Denial of mass participation of the Jews in the Soviet occupation administration constitutes particularly brazen prevarication Gross repeats in his "Ghastly Decade 1939-1948"[5]. He assures (op.cit., page 78): 'The Jews are very rarely listed in the local administrative bodies.', or (op. cit., page 77) 'the participation of Jews in the various pro-Soviet committees was negligible'. To prove the point, he quotes the lists of members for few committees e.g. in the villages of Zurawice or Chotiaczow giving the non-Jewish names of Jakub and Dimitri Maksimchuk, Danelo Hantiuk, Ivan Macioha, Vasyl Shostak, etc. This is a manipulation. An unsuspecting reader would not be aware that out in the country, the pro-Soviet committees were dominated by Belorussians and Ukrainians. In towns, the situation looked differently and Gross forgets to mention it. This is where the dominance of bolshevik Jews in the pro-Soviet revolutionary committees, militias, justice, prosecutor offices was prevalent. And these particular Jews caused a great deal of hardship to the local Polish townsfolk.

To demonstrate Grosss lies, who lists the committee members of Zurawica and Chotiaczow villages, I will list members in such towns as Stanislawow, Luck and Zamosc among so many others, after September 17[6], 1939.

I am to rely mostly on testimonials of Jewish authors. In "The lesser of two evils" on the situation of Jews under the Soviet occupation in 1939-1941, the Jewish historian Dov Levin wrote[7]:'In the first days of Red Army presence in Eastern Poland, parts of Rumania and in the Baltic states, Jews were very active during the organization of the new-Soviet, order. They were visible in the guard formations of militia and in the governing bodies called revolutionary or temporary committees. The presence of Jews in these organizations was marked in towns and cities (...). Circles of Soviet military administration widely and rightly shared the view that the Jewish minority was one of the most reliable groups at that stage (...). Jews were visible in all agencies of the civil administration during the time of consolidation of the Soviet regime before official annexation of Western Ukraine and Western Belorussia in November 1939'.

According to published in Jerusalem book "Pinkas Hahehillot"[8] (Encyclopedia of Jewish Communities. Poland), after entry of Soviet army into Stanislawow, Jewish communists took over many posts in the city administration. A. Eckstein became the vice-mayor, Rozental took the position of the chief of militia with his deputy Kochman, Mendel Blumenstein became the prison governor with his deputy Shkulnik, and the lawyer Hausknecht became the city postmaster.

"Non Provincial Europe"[9]-collective works, cites that after the entry of the Soviet army into the city of Luck, a Jewish communist, Menachem Librich ascended to the presidency of the city council while a Jew from Kiev, Geshonovich became the first secretary of the communist party. Dov Levin, quoted earlier, gives examples illustrating importance of the bolshevik Jews in the Soviet administration in several towns of Kresy (op. cit., pages 43-44): 'Jewish communist, freed from a prison after the break out of the war and who arrived in the town of Chelm, then already under Soviet occupation (later to be ceded to Germans) wrote that the town was in the Jewish hands. The Mayor was a Jew. All city officials and militiamen with exception of very few Poles, were Jewish communists. In Zamosc, so many Jews entered the service in the local militia, that they were the majority of its rank and file (...). Jews managed the provincial city committee in Stryj (...). According to the Jewish sources, Jews constituted 70 percent of militia in some towns of Eastern Galicia'. And further (op. cit., pages 43-44): 'Leibel Klitnik was the chief commander of the Telechany town in Pinsk region, whereas his brother Ephraim was a deputy president of the city council. Jews took the mayor posts in such towns as Dabrowica, Ostrog, Luck (...)'.

Richard C. Lukas-an American historian, in "The Forgotten Holocaust: The Poles Under German Occupation, 1939-1944"[10] wrote: 'One of the reports estimated that 75% of high level administration were Jews in cities of Lvov, Bialystok, and Luck under the Soviet occupation'.

Zbigniew Romaniuk of Bransk quoted an opinion of a local Jew, Alter Trus on Jewish domination in the local Soviet administration: 'In town, the most important were Welwl Puszanski, Benie Fajwel-Szustels, Rufcie Pytlak-old communists, joined later by Szepsel Preiser and Chaje Man'[11]. And further: 'The new bureaucratic apparatus treated all Poles as the potential enemies'.

Nachum Alpert-a Jew from Slonim, town in the Nowogrod voivodie, wrote[12] that: 'the leading role of this town administration was held by a Jew from Minsk, Matviej Kolotov.'. According to Alpert: '[tr. Kolotov] was a simpleton. He installed his office in the County Office and in private proudly paraded his descent from a simple wage family: "My father was a whip. And he could not be ignored. Entire World was in his hands.". Kolotov appointed a veteran communist Chaim Chomsky as the chief commander of the Workers' Guard, a unit he had organized.'

Jewish author, M. Amihai, while writing on the situation in the county city of Sambor in Lvov voivodie, stated[13]: 'Many Jews joined the city and government services. Russians trusted more Jews than Poles and Ukrainians and this is why important city positions were given to the Jews'.

Former soldier of the Home Army, Witold Andruszkiewicz reminisced in Glos Polski[14], that in his home town of Ejszyszki after entry of the Soviet army: 'Right from the beginning, Jews took most of the posts in the local administration and security apparatus'.

Wadiusz Kiesz, the hospital head doctor, recalled[15] that Jews monopolized the power in his home town of Boreml after September 17, 1939: 'In town, after Soviets had taken power, a town Communist Party Committee was formed, characterized by its monolithic Jewish ethnicity. Everything became directly dependent on its opinion-whom to deport to East, references issued, which category to slot a person into.'.

Karol Liszewski (prof. Ryszard Szawloski) wrote[16] that in Nadworna, where the Soviet forces arrived in September 22, 1939: 'entire town administration was taken by the local Jews.'

According to Wladyslaw Swirski, as per reports coming from the Polish Canadian immigrant circles, (Mark Paul-author of works on Polish-Jewish relations during 1939-1941), in Bogdanowka near Zborowa, a local communist party was led by a Jew, Basia Szapiro. Her brother-in-law, surname Lipszyc, was the Secretary of the city council. In the red militia, a big figure was a local horse trader, another Jew, Josz Pinkas.

" implacably omnipresent"

To make reader better understand the enormity of Gross's mendacity when he contradicts the fact of the Jews' dominance of the local Soviet administration in Kresy, I am to refer to the reports of other Jew witnesses.

For instance, Henryk Reiss, recalled[17] the first years of the Soviets in Lvov (1939-1941): 'then in Lvov to be a Jew helped in life. Soviets did not trust Poles. They did not trust Ukrainians who dreamed of free Ukraine, a Ukraine not part of the Soviet Union. This left only the Jews. Jews who welcomed Soviets with flowers like liberators. The Polish government in exile in London, appealed for non-cooperation with the Soviet occupant. Poles, at least at first, did not volunteered to work. They waited. Jews could not or did not want to wait. Positions came by easily, especially for a Jew (...). A ninety percent of the administration in our enterprise was the Jews. Similar situation existed in other enterprises and cooperatives in Lvov, be it industrial, manufacturing or commercial sector. This is not surprising that Poles who tried not to cooperate with Russians complying with the directive of the Polish Government regarded Jews as collaborators and Bolshevik agents.'

Quoted earlier the Jewish historian, Evgenij Rozenblat also wrote: 'a significant segment of Jewish population exploited the disappearance of the Polish intelligentsia and breakdown of the administrative and economical apparatus. It was then, when masses of Jewish intelligentsia along with more numerous half-wits, flooded thus created niche taking jobs in the new bureaucratic structures (...)'.

How significant was this advance of the Jewish masses, when Jewish: 'proletariat moved from shanty towns into downtown' is clearly demonstrated by the data provided by Rozenblat (op.cit.). In January 1941 in the Pinsk region, Jews constituted 25.3% of all employees advanced, whereas, the respective percent attained 49.5% in the district. In the Slonim region, the Jewish appointments reached 43% of all appointees, 43.5% was for Belorussians, and 10,4% for Poles. In some places, some professions were filled with by and large by the Jews. In the Pinsk district, for instance, Jews made up 64.7% of medical doctors and 49.2% of all accountants and planners. Rozenblat (op. cit.) states that favouring Jewish specialists led sometime to conflicts. In Baranowicze, non-Jewish doctors complained that doctors of other than Jewish ethnicity had been sent to different jobs or sent to work out in the field in other regions. At other time, an extreme incompetence of a Jew-new appointee led to serious conflicts. A Jew, appointed as a manager in the agricultural co-op of Komuna Paryska, within a month managed to unite the labour force against himself. Dissatisfaction was caused by his rudeness, open pocketing of goods and special treatment bestowed upon the local Jews. In the decision brief while firing him, the local regional party committee emphasized that, his behavior had brought about an eruption of ethnic hatred in this cooperative.

Rozenblat also indicated that: 'Numerous Jews occupied positions of power in NKVD, justice and prosecutor offices associating themselves, in minds of people, with the oppressions of the regime. The district prosecutor in the Dywin district of Brzesc[18] region was a Jew, M. M. Becker, district prosecutor in Pruzany was N. I. Liwszic (...), deputy chief of NKVD in Brzesc region was W. G. Kagan, the chief of the investigation department of the NKVD in Brzesc was S. M. Levin (...)'. Further he states that in 1940, 41.2% of all employed in courts and prosecutor offices in the Pinsk district were people of Jewish ethnicity. To this Rozenblat attributes the hard feelings shared by the local populace with regard to "Jewish unjust privileges". It was expressed in a tongue-in-cheek saying: "the Soviet power-a power by the Jews for the Jews'" or as in reference to the Soviet rule as "the Jewish rule"..

In his book "Golgotha of Archbishopric of Lvov during 2^nd World War 1939-1945", the bishop of Wroclaw, Wincenty Urban wrote[19]: 'Administrative apparatus was merciless, unrelenting and pursuing every step of the way. Executioners of its directives were mainly low-lives and local Jews, especially these latter ones were implacably omnipresent, laced with arrogance and insolence. Their doing was a multitude of peoples' incriminations and accusations.'.

A great number of Jewish testimonials confirm opinions of a disproportionate number of Jewish collaborators of the Soviet administration in Kresy.

The "Studies of Jewish History in Poland" published by Jewish Historical Institute cites[20] contained in the Ringelblum Archive, an opinion of a Jewish female inhabitant of city of Grodno: 'The situation of Jews in the Polish territories occupied by the Soviets was exceptionally good. Graced with their inherent smartness and capabilities they were able to arrange their lives nicely (...). All influential Poles who before the war had occupied important posts in the society were deported by the Soviets into East and thus freed posts the Soviets filled mostly with Jews. All managerial jobs were given to them. For these reasons, the Polish population treated the Jews with enmity; it generated a hatred much more pronounced than it had been ever before the war.'.

An inhabitant of Vilnius, another Jewish female-also in the Ringelblum Archive, states: 'The Bolsheviks generally positively treated Jews, trusted them fully and were certain of their support. This is why all managerial and sensitive positions were filled with Jews, not Poles who often before had used to have them.'.

Distortion of the M. Gnatowskis conclusions

To prove that the Jews did not play important role in the administration of Jedwabne under the Soviet occupation, Gross quotes a fragmentary information on leading bureaucrats, non-Jews, based on the book by professor Michal Gnatowski "In Soviet irons. Study of aggression of 17 September 1939 and Soviet policy in the Lomza region during 1939-1941"[21]. At the same time, Gross neglects, as usual, to mention several pieces of evidence proving that the Jews, under the Soviet rule, were particularly privileged to the detriment of Poles. Prof. Gnatowski wrote (op. cit., p. 158), that Jews and Belorussians were the only ethnic groups, the Soviets could count on, especially on "Jewish proletariat" so numerous in little towns of the region. Furthermore, professor Gnatowski wrote (op.cit., p. 158): 'The chief of MO NKVD in Lomza during the meeting in Minsk on 20 September 1940 stated: "A routine emerged. Jews supported us and one can see them all the time. There is also an expectation that each manager of an institution or enterprise boasts not to have any Poles employed. Many of us were just afraid of Poles."'. He believed that it was a mistake. Other participants of the meeting disagreed. Contrary to him, one of RO NKVD chiefs emphasized that "all Poles were the counterrevolutionaries".

Treated as a second category people, subject to ethnic repressions, removed from work, and under constant pressure to deny their Polish ethnicity, Poles were very sensible to any favoritism showed to Jews. As professor Gnatowski continued: '(...) many people of the region were quoted in Russian documents referring to the partiality of treatment the Poles were subject to and favoritism the Jews enjoyed. On October 1940, in Rutki, Jan Gosk was overheard saying: "Now, we have the Jewish Empire. They are being chosen everywhere, whereas a Pole like a horse, pulls and they strike him with a whip. Bad times came upon the Poles." ' (op.cit., p. 159).

"How many are you there? One!"

Interpretations such as a denial of the mass Jewish collaboration with the Soviet occupant in Kresy, and when mentioned at all, presenting it as a negligible and involving unimportant portion of the Jews, Gross complements with myths of mass Jewish resistance against Soviets.

Furthermore, in "Ghastly decade" (op. cit., p. 82), he negates a widely known fact, stating that the "majority of Jews" rejected the Soviet order, and: 'for anti-Soviet views and actions Jews were penalized.'. He writes (op. cit., p. 81): 'Jews paid dearly for it'. He relies on statistics such as 30% of Jews were deported by Russians (52% of Poles), even though Jews were much less numerous than Poles; Gross says, this is a proof that: 'Soviets subjected Jews to more severe reprisals than Poles'.

It is a fabrication for several reasons. Firstly, when one writes about severe reprisals, Soviets murdered Poles by far more often than Jews during 1939-1941. Secondly, Poles were subject to reprisals for the political reasons- for being representatives of the old administration, members of the political-cultural elite, or for just simply being Poles. Jews were deported for main three reasons-for an escape from the regions under German occupation (Russians always feared them as potential German spies), for volunteering to immigrate to General Gubernia (under Germany, for not wanting to stay), and lastly for commercial speculation in which Jews played a dominant role. It is grotesque to present as a significant manifestation of Jewish resistance the fact that some Jews were not very enthusiastic about accepting the citizenship document from the Soviets. As per Gross (op. cit., p. 81): 'Second anti-regime demonstration about the same time was the mass Jews' volunteering for repatriation back to General Gubernia'. This type of action called by Gross "anti-regime demonstrations" had nothing to do with an act of resistance against Soviets, in the resistance in which Jews either did not participate or if at all, were present in trifle numbers. Based on reports of NKVD BSRR for Ponomarienko, the Belorussian Communist Party Secretary, dated July 27, 1940, on destruction of underground organizations comprising the 3,231 members, mainly young people, the Jews' presence in the movement was insignificant, at a ratio of one Jew to 363 Poles to be exact. Based on NKVD data, the exact proportion by ethnicity was: Poles-2,904, Belorussians-184, Jews-8, Lithuanians-37, others-98[22]. Considering these very few Jewish non-conformists the Gross's claim of huge Jewish resistance against Soviets leaves one dumbfounded. One more sarcastically could recall the exchange: 'How many are you there? One!'.

German historian on Gross's "absurdities"

Gross's claims sweeping under the carpet any facts related to the Jewish collaboration with the Soviet occupants were decisively dealt with by Bogdan Musial, an outstanding representative of younger generation of German historians. While interviewed for the Zycie daily, he said[23]: 'Some Jews of left leaning, especially youth, actually wanted to cooperate with Soviets. This is why Poles began to perceive Jews as traitors and Soviet allies. It was a general belief that the proscription lists of people to be deported to Siberia were prepared by the Jew communists. Which was partly true. Michael Mielnicki, son of Chaim Mielnicki (communist) of Wasilkow recalls[24] that they were receiving visits from the NKVD staff for whom, both Mielnickis worked on compiling the proscription lists of future Siberia deportees. In his memoirs, he still employs the lingo of Soviet occupants while referring to Poles using such terms like "traitors", "folksdojcz"[25], "fascists". Notwithstanding children and infants among them. In spite of the fact that so many Poles were deported with his and his fathers contribution, many years later, Michael Mielnicki still marvels that among Poles suddenly surfaced so many anti-Semites soon after the Germans had kicked out the Soviets'.

Contradicting those who refute as an anti-Semitic stereotype such statement as the Soviets invading Poland were greeted by a significant chunk of Jews, Musial asserts: 'There is no doubt [tr. as to the enthusiastic welcome]. This is confirmed by the Jewish historians. Take the work of Bencion Pinchuk entitled "Shtetl Jews under Soviet Rule. Eastern Poland and the Eve of the Holocaust". His main source comes from the reports of people who survived holocaust in the region. Pinchuk comes to conclusions that contradict Gross's, while relying upon more professional source base. Pinchuk writes about greeting Soviets and participation of Jews especially during the first phase of the Soviet regime installation. In towns, Jews, supporters of communism, played important role. They formed revolutionary committees, militias, etc. All this, Pinchuk bases not on Polish or on some anti-Semites' reports, but on Jewish reports that are recorded in Yad Vashem in Israel. Easy enough to verify. Gross quoted this work only once for its points are not conforming to his theses (...). This is why Gross avoids works of Pinchuk and so many others. Gross forgets to mention that the Jews responsible for the communist bloodbath (...) were first to flee the regions the Soviets were departing from.'.

In his article "Mythical Historiography", Musial while criticizing Gross's manipulations asserts: 'Gross's readiness to affirm testimonials of the holocaust survivors has its limits. He accepts only those reports that confirm his theses while ignores the rest. Accounts of Jewish witnesses collected in 1941-1942 of the situation under the Soviet occupation in Kresy are good examples. Many authors of these accounts are very critical of attitudes toward Poles on the part of the Jewish population. One of them describes the situation in Vilnius: 'Jewish communists made fun of patriotic feelings of Poles, informed on Poles who discussed "illegal subjects", pointed out to NKVD the Polish officers and former administration employees, volunteered to work in NKVD as well as participated in arresting." As Chaim Mielnicki did in Wasilkow. Gross consequently omits this kind of accounts for not being able to reconcile them with the thesis that during the Soviet occupation nothing happened that impacted negatively on Jewish-Polish relations, the relations already strained as they were.'.

Musial further concludes: 'for one who is well acquainted with the Jewish and other sources the Gross's theses seem to lead to abysmal absurdities.'. "Absurd" is a little understatement for what I perceive as an unprofessional and cynical manipulation of truth.

Jerzy Robert Nowak

P.S. In texts published in Glos, I focused on discussing lies of J.T. Gross. Those readers of Glos who would want to read on a variety of manipulations of this author, I am sending to the article cycle published in the Niedziela [tr. Sunday] weekly entitled "100 lies of J.T. Gross". There, I address the misrepresentations on early history of the Polish attitudes towards Jews, and more specifically the implication that beginning with the Chmielnicki's time (1648), the pattern of Jewish "Shoah" in Polish villages was set for the centuries to come. A pattern characterized by the spasms of violence stemming out of a "readiness to destroy everything that was foreign". In his statements, Gross attributes the Polish peasants the butcheries committed by the Cossacks and Ukrainians' under the command of Chmielnicki. There, I also treat the Gross's calumnies concerning the Catholicism in Poland, fabrications on the "black robe priesthood" spiritual inspiration to anti-Semitic cruelties, and lies concerning the Bishop of Lomza, Stanislaw Lukomski, as well as others.

[1] Kresy- Borderland, a byname for the far East of Poland

[2] Rozenblat, E. 2000. "Jewrei w sisteme meżnacjonalnych otnoszenii w zapadnych obłastiach Bełarusi, 1939-1941 g". Bełaruskiego histarycznego zbornika. 13.

[3] KPZB-Communist Party of Western Belorussia, delegalized party in the pre-war Poland

[4] J. Fronczak. "Słownika biograficznego działaczy polskiego ruchu robotniczego". V.2.

[5] J.T. Gross.1998. "Upiorna dekada 1939-1948". Krakow

[6] September 17, 1939 - the date when the Soviets invaded Poland without the war declaration.

[7] Levin.D.,1995. "The Lesser of Two Evils: Eastern European Jewry Under Soviet Rule, 1939-1941". Philadelphia and Jerusalem, p. 43.

[8] 1980. "Pinkas Hahehillot. Encyclopedia of Jewish Communities. Poland, vol. II Eastern Galicia, Jerusalem". Jerusalem. V.2, p. 368

[9] 2000. "Europa nie prowincjonalna: przemiany na ziemiach wschodnich dawnej Rzeczypospolitej (Białorus, Litwa, Łotwa, Ukraina, wschodnie pogranicze III Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej) w latach 1772-1999". Edited by Krzysztof Jasiewicz. Warsaw. Instytut Studiów Politycznych PAN. Pp. 1105-6.

[10] Lukas, R.C. 1986. "The Forgotten Holocaust: The Poles Under German Occupation, 1939-1944". (Polish edition, Kielce, 1995, p.164)

[11] Romaniuk, Z. 1995. "21 miesiecy wladzy sowieckiej w Bransku" [tr.21months of the Soviet rule]. In "Ziemia Branska" V. 6, p. 79.

[12] Alpert, N. 1990. "The Destruction of Slonim Jewry", New York, p. 10.

[13] Amihai, M. 1962. "The Rohatyn Jewish Community. A Town that Perished", Tel Aviv, p. 44.

[14] Glos Polski, 1997. Toronto, a weekly, Issue of February 1.

[15] Kiesz, W. 1999. "Od Boremla do Chicago" [tr. From Boreml to Chicago]. Starachowice, p. 66.

[16] Liszewski, K. (R. Polish-Soviet War 1939]. Londyn, p. 56.

[17] "Z deszczu pod rynnę. Wspomnienia polskiego Żyda"[tr. From Worse to Worst. Memoirs of a Polish Jew]. , Warszawa, p. 41

[18] Brzesc - in Polish and Brest/-Litovsk/i in Belorussian.

[19] Urban, W. 1983. "Droga krzyżowa archidiecezji lwowskiej w latach II wojny światowej 1939-1945", Wrocław, Pp. 93-94.

[20] Żydowski Instytut Historyczny. 1995. "Studia z dziejów Żydów w Polsce". Warszawa, V. II, p. 65 in Archiwum Ringelbluma.

[21] Gnatowski, M. 1997. "W radzieckich okowach. Studium o agresji 17 września 1939 r. i radzieckiej polityce w regionie łomżyńskim w latach 1939-1941", Łomża, p. 296

[22] Chackiewicz, A. 1995. "Aresztowania i deportacje społeczeństwa zachodnich obwodów Białorusi (1939-1941)" in book "Społeczeństwo białoruskie, litewskie i polskie na ziemiach północno-wschodniej II Rzeczypospolitej w latach 1939-1941" [Arrests and Deportations of People of the West Regions of Belorussia (1939-1941)" in the book "The society of Belorussian, Lithuanian, and Polish in North-East of the 2^nd Commonwealth in 1939-1941"] Edited by M. Giżejewska and T. Strzembosz, Warszawa, p. 134

[23] Zycie daily. February 2^nd, 2001. "Nie wolno sie bac [One mustn't be afraid]".

[24] Mielnicki, M. 2000. "Bialystok to Birkenau". Toronto.

[25] Folksdojcz (Polish from of German Folksdeutsch)-simplistically putting, a Pole who declared to be of German descent based on either gene heritage or his home location and to this effect formally signed a list of such.

Prof. Jerzy Robert Nowak, Tygodnik Glos, 2001-03-01

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